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14, both robots learned to follow teacher commands in an accurate way in about 20 iterations (from a practical point of view, this means about 10 minutes of real time) and, what is more relevant, the operation without a teacher was successful using the world and satisfaction models In these kinds of real robot examples, the main measure we must take into account in order to decide the goodness of an experiment is the time consumed in the learning process to achieve perfect obedience Figure 1612 displays a real execution of actions in both robots In the pictures with a teacher, the robot is following commands; otherwise, it is performing the behavior without any commands, just using its induced models.

Norcross et al., 1997; Norcross, Sayette, et al., 2002). Many psychologists work in more than one setting, combining various positions and activities. For example, it is common for a clinical psychologist to work at a hospital or clinic several days a week, teach a course or two at a local college or university, and conduct a private practice one or more days each week. A clinical psychologist may be a fulltime professor teaching and conducting research while also operating a small private practice and offering consultation services to various clinics, hospitals, or businesses. The diversity of experiences available to psychologists is quite appealing and offers tremendous flexibility and options.

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representations of group hierarchy Social dominance theory (Pratto & Lemieux, 2001; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994; see also Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) assumes that people who are strongly identi ed with high-status groups and who see intergroup relations in terms of group competition will be especially prejudiced and discriminatory toward out-groups These biases occur spontaneously as a function of individual differences in social dominance orientation, in contexts in which in-group out-group distinctions are salient (Pratto & Shih, 2000) Scales developed to measure social dominance orientation pit the values of group dominance and equality against each other (see Pratto et al, 1994; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999) People high in social dominance orientation believe that group hierarchies are inevitable and desirable, and they may thus see the world as involving competition between groups for resources.

Figure 9-1. Guest checkout is a time for inquiring about guest services and determining method of payment. (Photo courtesy of Lincoln Plaza Hotel and Conference Center, Reading, Pennsylvania.)

They endorse items such as, Some groups of people are simply inferior to other groups and Sometimes other groups must be kept in their place Individuals high in social dominance orientation believe that unequal social outcomes and social hierarchies are appropriate and therefore support an unequal distribution of resources among groups in ways that usually bene t their own group (see Pratto et al, 1994; Sidanius, Levin, & Pratto, 1996) Individuals low in social dominance orientation, in contrast, are generally concerned about the welfare of others and are empathic and tolerant of other individuals and groups (Pratto et al, 1994) They tend to endorse items such as, Group equality should be our ideal and We would have fewer problems if we treated people more equally.

It can be clearly seen that the behavior is basically the same although a little less ef cient without teacher commands (as it has learned to decrease its distance to the object but not the fastest way to do it) Consequently, an induced behavior was obtained in the physical agents based on the fact that every time the robot applies the correct action according to the teacher s commands, the distance to the object decreases This way, once the teacher disappears, the robot can continue with the task because it developed a satisfaction model related to the remaining sensors telling it to perform actions that reduce the distance..

Sociological theories, in contrast, have frequently emphasized the role of large-scale social and structural dynamics in intergroup relations in general and in race relations in particular (Blauner, 1972; Bonacich, 1972; Wilson, 1978) These theories have considered the dynamics of race relations largely in economic and class-based terms and often to the exclusion of individual in uences (see Bobo, 1999) Despite the existence of such divergent views, both sociological and psychological approaches have converged to recognize the importance of understanding the impact of group functions and collective identities on race relations (see Bobo, 1999) In terms of group functions, Blumer (1958a, 1958b, 1965a, 1965b), for instance, offered a sociologically based approach focusing on defense of group position, in which group competition and threat were considered fundamental processes in the development and maintenance of social biases.

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